Given the Islamic teachings, the formation of a government as a constant need of human societies, has been qualified in two respects: first, referring to non-Islamic governments in all respects is subject to prohibition and, second, the formation of a government as one of the divine commands is itself relevant. Therefore, it is incumbent upon all Muslims to pave the ground for the formation of an Islamic government by toppling non-Islamic governments. To fulfill this, it seems necessary to study the strategies facing the Muslim community. Accordingly, the main question of this research is devoted to the study of duties Muslims have to undertake toward the non-Islamic governments. It seems that the major priority in confronting non-Islamic governments is determined in terms of the various stages of enjoining what is right and forbidding what is wrong. In case there is no possibility of toppling non-Islamic governments, interactions among members of the Muslim community for the further implementation of Islamic prescripts in the social arena take on an added importance.

This study tried to reread the development policies of Hashemi Rafsanjani’s governments, considering Peter Evans’s communication model of developmental governments. Two main features of developmental governments are reliance on Weberian bureaucracy and the integration of government with civil society. Using quantitative and qualitative content analysis of news headlines of Etela’at Newspaper, as one of the main newspapers of the government from 1989 to 1997 (the eight-year period of the fifth and sixth governments), these features were analyzed. The results showed that over the years, considering the features of a government based on Weberian bureaucracy, a huge portion of interviews, speeches, and news talks of the government are about such issues as human resources development, reforming administrative methods and systems, reforming administrative structures and organizations, and laws and regulations. On the other hand, regarding the integration of the government with the civil society, one cannot find anything about the civil society. The civil society has been replaced with the unorganized groups of people. One cannot find any sign of civil society in this government. The government has relied on people only for the economic development of Iran and for monitoring the administrative reforms. That is, the government has turned to people only to get support and financial aid in order to achieve its economic purposes. According to Evans', this kind of government possesses only one feature of the developmental governments, and has showed somehow incomplete development. Relying only on Weberian bureaucracy and ignoring civil society from 1989 to 1997 make us to see Hashemi’s government a non-developmental government.

This research, by creating a new understanding of governance in its original concept, analyzed the discourses of the 5th to 12th governments in Iran, and the gap of governance model as a discourse of the state in the Islamic Republic of Iran. In this research, using Laclau and Mouffe's discourse analysis method, the contexts and dimensions of governance discourse on the government’s logic of actions in the Islamic Republic of Iran have been studied to obtain a new understanding of the arrangement of effective forces in shaping the public sphere. As a result, in different periods after the Islamic revolution, various discourse subjects including construction, reform, justice-oriented, and moderation, eclipsed the public sphere as well as the action of the governments. But each of them has failed because of choosing heterogeneous discursive elements in the establishment of appropriate and desirable governance. As the main finding of the research, two propositions can be mentioned; first, the discourse of governance in Iran, while having a gap in its idea and contexture, is intensified by the governments as the main focus of the discourse generation, and the discourses of the post-war governments by applying the asymmetric and disproportionate principles of governance, have been far from the general policies of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Second, more than anything, the lack of discourse occurred due to the lack of transition from state to governance. The lack of a desirable model of governance and borrowing from non-domestic discourse elements is obvious in post-war governments’ discourses.

The most important schools of interest in developing countries, especially after World War II, are based on the liberal and socialist approaches, each of which has subdivisions in this area. Models based on the liberal approach rely on market economy, privatization, government non-interference in the economy, and the attraction of foreign capital and the development of exports. Socialist models also believe in government intervention and direction in the economy based on centralized government planning. On this basis, each of the post-revolutionary governments has chosen a specific model according to the specific conditions of that period. An important issue is the comparison of social justice with these patterns of development. In order to study this issue, the question is to what extent the development models in the governments after the Islamic Revolution have been successful in achieving social justice? The outcome of social justice in these states is determined by evaluating and comparing development indicators as well as social justice, such as poverty alleviation and deprivation, inflation rate, unemployment rate, economic growth and Gini coefficient. The present study intends to use the analytical-comparative method to examine and compare the extent of social justice in the development patterns of these states.

The discussion of the relationship between government and development has been one of the main topics in the literature on politics and governance as well as development economics. This study, while the role of development-oriented governments in developing countries (with emphasis on Iran) seeks to answer the question of what role has Iran's foreign policy as a development-oriented governments in different periods in relation to economic development? And what are the reasons for its failure? The hypothesis is that it seems that due to the role of the government in the development of countries, the Iranian government in the direction of development, due to structural weakness, security problems and lack of priority to economic development has not been able to play a practical role. Play in development. The study is of documentary and library type. Findings showed that at the level of development in the form of developmental governments of the Islamic Republic of Iran is weak in terms of interactive indicators both domestically and internationally, and in different governments in Iran, confrontational indicators in both areas play a major role. It has played a role in preventing economic development.

The principle of "Prohibition of resorting to force" for maintaining and strengthening world peace, is the pivotal element in the international system based on the UN Charter. Following to prohibition of war and repetition of this rule in numerous international documents, the issue of propaganda prohibition for aggressive war was raised also in international law. With the occurrence of various international and domestic conflicts after the cold war especially in the West Asia and North Africa regions, the subject of propaganda for war has become more important. In this article, the propaganda prohibition of resorting to force in the system of sources of international law has been investigated and this prohibition especially with attention to affirmation of some treaties is clear and on this basis, governments shall not do this with the use of various tools including the media. Also in Islamic perspective, this subject in Quran and Sunnah has been evaluated. in this part, in addition to numerous Quranic and Hadith evidences, from the general principles that comprehended from these sources is used that also is necessity of the originality of peace and prohibition of beginning to war, prohibition of any propaganda for an aggressive war.Prophetic Method and Imam Ali's behavior in beginning to wars, is an important backing for this comprehension and is distinctive point and the positive approach of Islam in this realm.

The question of how and why the Islamic States are in the lap of Islamic civilization is the subject of this study. The purpose is to compare the Islamic state with secular and liberal governments, i. e., modern Western governments, to determine the Islamic state's characteristics. This comparison is based on the assumption that the state is one of the outputs of any civilization. The research method is documentary, and the related materials have been collected, compared, and analyzed. Through comparing the Islamic state with the characteristic of the Ummah-Imamate with the modern Western state with the secularist and liberal face, it was found that the Islamic state can be characterized by features such as religious interest versus modern interest, happiness of religion ending, the world and the hereafter life against the material ending, the tool of knowing the power against power for power, Sovereignty and domination of the school of Islam against non-commitment to the holy school, guardianship of the Imam and his successor against lack of guardianship, presence as a nation and citizen against presence as a mere citizen, and religious rationality versus human self-founded rationality. The findings also show that the state's capacity in the Islamic model is so large that it cannot fall within the scope of the definition of the model of the nation-state theory, which is the basis of secular and liberal governments in Western civilization. It can be concluded that the Islamic state, with its ummah-Imamate feature, has provided a great potential for the presence of Islamic civilization in the political future of the world, which can play its role in this direction by resisting its principles and points of difference with secular and Western governments.

The aim of this study is study the evolution of cultural policies of the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance in post-revolutionary governments. The method of this research is qualitative and is a thematic analysis with a three-step approach. In order to collect data, were referred to the existing documents including researches, written texts and existing interviews of cultural policy makers. The sampling method is "targeted sampling". In this article, distinctions between cultural policies announced and policies implemented by the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance and Cultural policies adopted in each period and the result of these policies Has been studied. In the interim government and the first government due to lack of alignment with the goals of the revolution, In the second government, due to the short period of activity, we do not see cultural policy in the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance And in other governments after the Islamic Revolution due to the adoption of a one-dimensional policy in addressing the goals of the Islamic Revolution We are witnessing the adoption of a selective and partisan view of culture.